SEOUL, South Korea — The looming nuclear threat posed by North Korea isn’t being talked about much by either Republicans or Democrats ahead of the Nov. 5 elections, but Seoul’s Unification Minister Kim Yung-ho said he hopes that, no matter who wins, the issue gets more attention after the U.S. elections.

“The Democratic and Republican parties did not mention denuclearization of North Korea” in their recent national conventions, Mr. Kim said. “However whichever party comes in, there will be a North Korea policy review … During this process we hope there will be a mention of the complete denuclearization of North Korea.”

Analysts have insisted for years there is no possibility that North Korea will abandon its nuclear arms programs — programs in which the state has invested valuable resources while triggering painful international sanctions.

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Some say it is time to be pragmatic and switch to arms-limitation talks. Mr. Kim didn’t agree.

“If we recognize North Korea as a nuclear state, there will be regional instability and a ‘nuclear domino effect,’” he argued. He warned that could lead to the “fall” of the global nuclear nonproliferation treaty.

Seoul’s stance remains a call for the “complete denuclearization of North Korea,” he said, adding “we will work closely with like-minded allies” toward that goal.

Mr. Kim made his comments while briefing foreign reporters on conservative South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol’s new unification policy, which he announced on Aug. 15.

It already has critics, with one labeling it “wishful thinking.”

With the Kim regime firmly entrenched in Pyongyang, buttressed by a nuclear armory, supported by China and backed by Russia, there is no sign of unification, near or far. However, in South Korean parlance, “unification” is code for “North Korean policy.”

The new policy is being driven in part by North Korea’s “abandonment of the idea of unification and the Korean nation,” Mr. Kim said — a reference to Pyongyang’s dissolution of reunification organizations in January.

In response, the Yoon government is adopting “practical strategies that we ourselves can execute,” Mr. Kim said.

The approach has three “pillars:” A strengthening of the South’s commitment to the principles of freedom; an effort to foster a desire for “freedom-based unification” among North Koreans; and the pursuit of international support for a free, unified Korea.

Regarding the first pillar, unification education programs will be created to “inspire future generations.” South Koreans born since the 1980s have grown up in peace and prosperity, with no memory of a unified nation, war or the struggles of democratization.

Opinion in South Korea on reunification is as divided as the peninsula itself.

Some say the reconnection of the entire peninsula to the Eurasian continent, the rebuilding of northern infrastructure, the influx of 25 million disciplined new citizens, exploitation of the North’s mineral reserves and cuts in defense spending would provide a “bonanza.”

But others fear reunification would incur colossal costs, worry that Northern laborers would price Southern workers out of job markets, and fret about capital flows into the north.

Seoul also will promote North Koreans’ “right to access information so that they can use various channels to secure a wide range of outside information,” Mr. Kim said.

He declined to discuss how that would be achieved, beyond stating that Seoul supports “civic society” in delivering content into the North. However, he hinted that new technologies could be leveraged.

He also emphasized how widespread and important smuggled South Korean pop culture is across North Korea.

“North Koreans have a high level of desire for outside information,” he said. Per more than 6,000 defector interviews, “80% of people told us that a year before they defected, they had access to South Korean content, including dramas and movies,” Mr. Kim said.

“When culture spreads, it is based on will and voluntary action,” Mr Kim added, noting Pyongyang’s efforts to prevent such influxes. “History proves that these efforts have not been successful.”

Separately, Seoul will canvas opinions on reunification in 10 countries and will expand an annual global forum in September to discuss the issue with “like-minded neighbors and leaders,” he said.

Meanwhile, Pyongyang has ignored both Seoul’s offer of flood relief and the establishment of working-level consultations.

The regime, which is busily upgrading relations with Moscow, has deprioritized talks with Washington and is boycotting communications with Seoul.

Mr. Kim urged a response.

“The president himself made the suggestion of engaging in working-level consultations,” he said. “We have not limited the agenda: We can talk about any issues.”

He added the talks could lead to “higher-level consultations.”

Critics are unimpressed by the new northern policy.

Moon Chung-in, a leading academic who helped formulate the engagement policy of prior administrations, called it “wishful thinking.”

“They can set total denuclearization as the ultimate goal, but reality is reality: They need to be more realistic and flexible,” he said. “They can start with halting nuclear activities, then engage in negotiations on how to roll back the arsenal, materials and facilities — that may take 10, 20, 30 years.”

Regarding information infiltration into the North, he said the approach was back to front.

“Conservatives have been saying we should inject information to change North Korean society, but it is virtually impossible to have any civil society there,” Mr. Moon said. “For that, you have to have market opening and reform, and that refutes the sanctions regime.”

The North’s rejection of dialogue offers was predictable.

“Kim Jong Un declared South Korea a hostile neighbor and a separate state — and that was a response to South Korea defining the North as the main enemy,” Mr. Moon said. “So why should he accept any offer of contact? There is little incentive to accept South Korean proposals, it could be seen as a sign of weakness.”